In 394 Agesilaus, treading in the footsteps of Xerxes, came from Asia by way of Thrace and Macedon into Thessaly, threw off the attacks of the Thessalian cavalry, proceeded without further trouble into Boeotia, and met the enemy at Coronea, where a great battle was fought. The question ought to have been asked before now, why was he not held up at Thermopylae?

In the middle of the third book of his Histories, Tacitus records some movements in the western provinces occasioned by the events of 69. The troops in Britain, he says, were partial to Vespasian, who had served there with distinction in the reign of Claudius, and a party was formed in his interest.

The following quotations will show what is thought about the origin and extension of the name Chalkidike and the work of Euboean Chalkis in those parts:—‘The barren islands of Sciathus and Peparethus were the bridge from Euboea to the coast of Macedonia, which, between the rivers Axius and Strymon, runs out into a huge three-pronged promontory. Here Chalcis planted so many towns that the whole promontory was named Chalcidice.’ ‘The whole peninsula was called Chalkidike, and the Greeks in it were (...) comprised under the name of the Thracian Chalkidians.’Some passages of Herodotus and Thucydides led me to suspect that Chalkis took but a minor part, if any, in the colonization of this region; that the area of the Chalkidians of Thrace was comparatively small; that the name S0009838800021960_inline1 was confined to this area; and that these Chalkidians were not colonists from the cities of southern Greece, but, like their neighbours the Bottiaioi, a tribe. Further enquiry, though it has strengthened these suspicions, has not established them beyond doubt; but it seems to me worth while to set out the evidence, in the hope that others may throw light on a question of some importance for the history of Greece. At least I may expect that in future ‘Chalkidike’ and ‘Chalkidians’ will be used with care. (shrink)

Poets should mean at least as much as they say. When Lucan wrote sola futuri Crassus erat belli medius mora. qualiter undas qui secat et geminum gracilis mare separat Isthmos,1 he ought to have been aware of the inept juxtaposition of slender and Thick. Did Sophocles mean all that he has implied ? I think so, because onoma, if it has not this implication, is strange, and a feeble excuse for it has to be sought two hundred and fifty lines (...) away. (shrink)

The lover of Aeschylus and Verrall, remembering the appendix to Verrall's Seven against Thebes, pricks up his ears at etetumos and listens for a verbal equivocation.

Charles Erskine Stuart's studies of the MSS. of Seneca's tragedies are known to readers of the Class. Quart, from his two articles . Before he died he expressed a wish that his collations and notes should pass to me.

Reading the Rhesus again the other day, I was struck by something strange in the rhythm of its trimeters. Whatever this was, it seemed to have nothing to do with metrical punctuation ; nor with the use of trisyllabic feet, though on that I shall have something to say. By listening hard I found a clue. The Rhesus is very spondaic at the beginning and the middle of the line.

In a recent article JRS , 68 f. Nicholas Horsfall sought to demonstrate that Corythus, which Virgil makes the original home of Dardanus , should be identified with Tarquinii, some 50 miles north-west of Rome, on the coast of Etruria, rather than with Cortona, roughly twice as far away, to the north, and inland. In doing so he expressed surprise that the Virgilian evidence should have been completely ignored by previous writers on the subject : and, using the Aeneid as (...) the main source on which his own argument was based, he supported his conclusion with a careful examination of several other aspects of the problem. (shrink)

In a recent article JRS, 68 f. Nicholas Horsfall sought to demonstrate that Corythus, which Virgil makes the original home of Dardanus, should be identified with Tarquinii, some 50 miles north-west of Rome, on the coast of Etruria, rather than with Cortona, roughly twice as far away, to the north, and inland. In doing so he expressed surprise that the Virgilian evidence should have been completely ignored by previous writers on the subject : and, using the Aeneid as the main (...) source on which his own argument was based, he supported his conclusion with a careful examination of several other aspects of the problem. (shrink)

M. Tulli Ciceronis Ovationes pro P. Quinctio, pro Q. Roscio Comoedo, pro A. Caecina, de lege agraria contra Rullum, pro C. Rabirio perduellionis reo, pro L. Flacco, in L. Pisonem, pro C. Rabirio Postumo, recognovit brevique adnotatione critica instruxit Albertus Curtis Clark. Oxonii, e typographeo Clarendoniano. - Volume 24 Issue 8.